Stassen’s Son, Obama Fan, Recalls Conventions Past

By Nathan L. Gonzales

In 1940, young Minnesota Gov. Harold Stassen (R) gave the keynote address at the Republican National Convention that vaulted him into the national political spotlight. His son Glen was only 4 years old at the time, but he would have a front-row seat for his father’s long political career.

But Glen Stassen isn’t anywhere near the GOP convention this time, even though it is in his home state. He has contributed to Sen. Barack Obama’s (D-Ill.) presidential campaign.

“Dad was an excellent speaker all his life,” Stassen reflected, comparing his father’s 1940 speech to Obama’s 2004 convention speech, which thrust the then-42-year-old Illinois state Senator into the national spotlight. Harold Stassen was 33 years old at the time, and was fresh off his election as governor in 1938. He won re-election in 1940 and 1942, but resigned a year later to join the military during World War II.

At the 1940 convention, Stassen was floor chairman for Wendell Wilkie and helped the Indiana attorney secure the GOP presidential nomination after six ballots. Eight years later, Stassen ran for president for the first time.

In 1948, Stassen came close to winning the GOP nomination, defeating establishment candidate Thomas Dewey, who also had been the party’s 1944 presidential nominee, in the key Wisconsin and Nebraska primaries, and performing better in general election matchups against President Harry Truman (D). But Stassen, who was part of the liberal wing of the Republican Party, lost Ohio to native son and conservative Sen. Robert Taft and Oregon to Dewey, who wound up with the nomination again.

Glen Stassen was 12 years old.

Stassen ran for president again four years later, but ended up helping Dwight D. Eisenhower (R) secure the nomination. Stassen’s credentials committee representative, future Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger, helped shift the momentum from Taft by seating the Texas and Mississippi delegations for Eisenhower.

“I remember dad calling to the Minnesota delegation, releasing them to put Ike over the top,” Glen Stassen said, recalling his view in the balcony. “Half of the people were celebrating while the Taft supporters were crestfallen.”

That was the closest Stassen would get to the GOP nomination in a career that would include a total of nine presidential runs. He last received votes at a Republican convention in 1968.

Combined with his runs for the U.S. House in Minnesota, governor of Pennsylvania (twice) and other offices, Stassen became known as the classic perennial candidate.

He didn’t run for president in 1972, but pushed President Richard Nixon (R) for the removal of troops from Vietnam.

“It was a bad time,” his son recalled. “I was worried for dad and for the nation.”

Today, Glen Stassen is a theologian, ethicist and author. He worked for 20 years as a professor at Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, and is currently the Lewis B. Smedes professor of Christian ethics at Fuller Theological Seminary. His book “Just Peacemaking: the New Paradigm for the Ethics of Peace and War,” is in its third printing.

“His lifelong commitment to peacemaking clearly influenced my same commitment,” Stassen said of his father.

Stassen isn’t officially backing a candidate in this election, but he donated $500 to Obama’s campaign in March.

He has contributed to the Democratic National Committee, former Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.) and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) in the past as well.

“I am a theological ethicist in a theological seminary, which is somewhat like being a pastor. I don’t declare for political candidates,” Stassen explained. “I do declare on issues. Our nation is so polarized now in economic injustice, in war and peace policies, in negative attack smears that distract from the real issues of injustice and peacemaking. We desperately need healing.”

Harold Stassen died in Bloomington, Minn., in 2001, at the age of 93. The Stassen Building is located in the State Capitol complex in St. Paul, not far from where the convention is taking place in the Xcel Energy Center.


This story first appeared in Roll Call on September 3, 2008. 2008 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.

NRSC Finally Joins DSCC on the Air

By Nathan L. Gonzales

The National Republican Senatorial Committee launched its first television ads of the cycle this week, with spots in New Hampshire and North Carolina.

The North Carolina spot plays off the Olympics and attacks Sen. Elizabeth Dole’s (R) opponent, state Sen. Kay Hagan (D). “What if they gave gold medals for financial irresponsibility? The gold medal goes to Kay Hagan!” according to the ad, which goes on to “award” gold medals to Hagan for “government waste” and “twisting the truth.”

The New Hampshire ad doesn’t mention Republican Sen. John Sununu, arguably the most vulnerable Senate incumbent in the country, but it goes after his opponent, former Gov. Jeanne Shaheen (D) instead.

“There’s one problem in Washington where politicians in both parties agree. It’s spending, and it’s out of control. And Jeanne Shaheen says she can change it?” the ad begins. “As governor, Jeanne Shaheen doubled state spending. Shaheen increased the state budget by a billion dollars.

“Jeanne Shaheen and big spending in Washington, she’d fit right in.”

The Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee is also up with a new ad in the Granite State. “In Washington, Senators have a choice. They can fight for powerful special interests ... or stand up for the middle class,” the ad begins.

“John Sununu has sided with George Bush to protect the special interests,” the ad continues, citing specific votes on insurance companies and Medicare.

And while Republicans gather in St. Paul, Minn., for the Republican National Convention, the DSCC has a new ad against Minnesota Sen. Norm Coleman (R) titled “Running Man.”

“From the producers of the Iraq War, comes the story of one man, trying to outrun his own past,” according to the ad, which looks like a movie trailer, “Sen. Norm Coleman is the running man.”

The ad goes on to highlight Coleman’s 86 percent voting record with President Bush, an obligatory mention in just about every Democratic ad this cycle, and ends, “This fall, Norm Coleman can run, but can he hide who he truly is?”


This item first appeared on RollCall.com on September 2, 2008. 2008 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.

Is Congress Really a Juicy Target for John McCain?

By Stuart Rothenberg

Some Republicans are downright giddy these days about Congress’ unpopularity.

They argue that Republicans, including the party’s presidential nominee, Sen. John McCain (Ariz.), will be able to tag Democrats with being unwilling to deal with the nation’s problems, and they are counting on the short Congressional session after the Republican National Convention to expose divisions in Democratic ranks, as well as the party’s liberal bent.

That’s exactly the argument made by Republican-political-strategist-turned-TV-commentator Karl Rove in a Wall Street Journal column late last week.

After sketching out a series of scenarios that are all unfavorable for Congressional Democrats, Rove writes, “The end result of all of these messy fights is that a Congress — which hit a record low 14 percent approval rating in a July Gallup Poll before its members left on summer vacation — may become even more unpopular.

“Inevitably, John McCain and Barack Obama will be drawn into these fights. And, although both are sitting senators, the advantage may go to Mr. McCain. Democrats control Congress, so they are accountable. Mr. Reid and Mrs. Pelosi are two of the worst advertisements for Congress imaginable,” he continues.

Rove concludes, “The 110th Congress is an excellent target for Mr. McCain. He ought to take careful aim at it and commence firing.”

This isn’t political analysis. It’s message.

Presidential elections rarely are about Congress, and this election will be no different. Instead, it looks to be about which presidential nominee is better able to run the country, McCain or Sen. Barack Obama (Ill.).

Voters are trying to decide whether they trust Obama in the nation’s top job, not whether they approve of Speaker Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (Nev.). Any attacks on Congress could divert voters’ attention from Obama, a strange strategy since most observers seem to agree that the presidential contest will turn on voters’ views of the Democratic nominee.

If McCain spends a lot of his time in the fall bashing Congress, it might help Pete Olson (R) defeat Rep. Nick Lampson (D), thereby winning back ex-Rep. Tom DeLay’s (R) former seat in Texas (though Olson shouldn’t need much help from McCain to do that). But it isn’t likely to get swing voters in the presidential race to pick McCain over Obama.

Yes, Congress’ job ratings are half what Bush’s are in many polls, but Republicans ought not delude themselves about those numbers. Congress’ job approval is so low because Democrats are annoyed that their majorities haven’t been more aggressive about taking on Bush and trying to stop the war in Iraq, not because they oppose the party’s agenda.

In November, Democratic voters are likely to vote a straight ticket, just as many did two years ago. Their current dissatisfaction with Congress won’t change that, and because of that, Congress’ admittedly abysmally low rating is deceptive.

Finally, during the short Congressional session in September, Democrats may not mess up the way Rove assumes they will. So far, they’ve won the public relations war with the GOP. And since the Republican Party’s image is so bad these days, almost anything that happens in September could end up benefiting Democrats.

Aside from the drilling issue, which Pelosi seemed to botch, the party’s House and Senate leaders have hit most of the right chords since the party took power after the 2006 midterm elections.

And even if Hill Democrats do encounter problems, it isn’t certain that most voters will even notice.

Moments after the Republican convention is gaveled to adjournment, voters will start to be bombarded with campaign ads from all sides. And since the first presidential debate will be on Sept. 26, the last 10 days of September will be all about that major event.

Starting Friday morning, the media’s coverage of the presidential race will become suffocating, if it hasn’t been already. Even when Congress returns to Capitol Hill, journalists will be focused on the two national tickets, not on what is going on in the House and Senate. It would take a major legislative crisis to draw the media’s attention back to Capitol Hill.

Over the next four days, Republicans must keep their focus on only two Democrats: Obama and his running mate, Sen. Joseph Biden (Del.). Whatever most GOP delegates think about former President Bill Clinton and Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.), former Vice President Al Gore, Reid or Pelosi, those Democrats really aren’t all that important to McCain’s prospects.

After a successful Democratic convention, which included strong speeches by both Clintons and Obama, McCain is still the underdog. Further attacks on Obama may or may not change that, but beating up Congress definitely won’t.

This column first appeared in Roll Call on September 1, 2008. 2008 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.

What I Did When I Wasn’t at the Convention

By Nathan L. Gonzales

Oregon Congressional candidate Kurt Schrader (D) has his sights set on Congress, and his path doesn’t go through Denver. While some of the Democrats’ most promising House candidates were highlighted from the convention floor Tuesday, Schrader chose to skip the week’s festivities.

Schrader serves in the state Senate and is locked in a battle with wealthy businessman Mike Erickson (R) in Oregon’s 5th district, which is being vacated by Rep. Darlene Hooley (D). It’s a rare Democratic open seat this cycle where Republicans actually have a chance of winning.

Not only could Schrader benefit from the extra time in the district, it looks like he’s got a better view from his television in Oregon than he would have if he were attending the convention himself.

Oregon’s 65-member convention delegation was relegated to the upper corner of the lower bowl of the Pepsi Center, to the left of the stage. But the Beaver State contingency made its voices heard Monday night, chanting “O-S-U” as Craig Robinson, the new head coach of the struggling men’s basketball team of Oregon State University, introduced his sister, Michelle Obama.

Part of Corvallis, home of OSU, is in the 5th district, which is more politically competitive than it seemed when Hooley was racking up comfortable re-election victories.

“There’ll be plenty of conventions,” Schrader said at the Aurora Colony Days Parade earlier this month. “I’ve learned you don’t mess around with that stuff until after you win.”

In reality, Schrader probably can’t afford the national party label in a district that President Bush carried narrowly, 50 percent to 49 percent, in 2004. And with African-Americans making up just 1 percent of the district, Democratic presidential nominee Sen. Barack Obama (Ill.) looks like less of a downballot force.

“We really felt like it was more important to be in the district,” Schrader campaign manager Paul Gage said, particularly because the candidate still works part time.

This week looked like most others for Schrader, as he worked Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday mornings at his Clackamas County Veterinary Clinic in Oregon City and made fundraising calls in the afternoon.

On Monday evening, Schrader spoke to the Lake Oswego Rotary forum before catching part of the convention on TV. And on Tuesday, his convention-watching followed a house party in Milwaukie. Wednesday’s convention program featured Oregon state Speaker Jeff Merkley (D), who is challenging Sen. Gordon Smith (R), and Schrader planned to catch part of the coverage after a meeting with the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union.

The 5th district could be a battleground at the presidential, Senate and Congressional levels. Hooley has held the seat since 1996, when she defeated then-Rep. Jim Bunn (R) 51 percent to 46 percent, and she’s won solid, but not overwhelming, re-elections ever since. A Republican House candidate hasn’t reached 50 percent in the district in almost two decades, but the GOP has been competitive.

In this race, Schrader and Erickson have spent their summer campaigning across the Willamette Valley and coastal counties, attending parades and fairs. And they’re leaving no stone unturned.

Aurora, population 655, recently played host to both candidates during their annual parade. The town covers less than half a square mile but featured Schrader and Erickson’s dueling 4x4 trucks emblazoned with campaign regalia and small troops of volunteers.

Don’t mistake Aurora’s size for political naiveté. In 2006, Jennifer Strutz unseated incumbent Mayor Bill Carr, 230 votes to 185 votes. But just a year later, after Strutz subsequently proposed raising taxes, the town recalled her by a vote of 181-176.

“I thought it was nice that they came to such a small parade as ours,” said one woman, who spoke with Erickson before the parade and shook Schrader’s hand during it. “[Erickson] said he’s not a politician and he’s a businessman who’ll fix Washington. Sounds pretty good to me.”

Before the Aurora parade, Erickson, dressed in a tan polo shirt (complete with sewn-on campaign logo) and dress slacks, was vigorously shaking hands with everyone in the staging area, handing out palm cards and business cards. He paused to share a minute with Schrader, dressed in a red button down shirt, jeans and a large belt buckle, who was waiting with his staff for the parade to begin.

During the parade, Erickson weaved from sidewalk to sidewalk, breathlessly greeting potential constituents. An unrelated rolling port-a-potty followed the Erickson entourage in the parade, doing wheelies along the way.

On this day, the Republican was somewhat of a celebrity, not necessarily because of his politics, but because people recognized him from his television ads.

The wealthy businessman spent more than $1.5 million of his own money in 2006, in his double-digit loss to Hooley. And he has spent a similar amount already this cycle getting through a competitive GOP primary.

But this year, Erickson has often been on the defensive, answering questions about his personal life — particularly questions about whether he knowingly took an ex-girlfriend to get an abortion — to the point that GOP insiders aren’t particularly high on his chances.

Erickson had $400,000 in the bank on June 30, almost double Schrader’s $231,000. The Democrat raised more than a half a million dollars through the first six months of the year. He will need to step up his fundraising to compete with his wealthy opponent.

Schrader split his time on the parade route walking and waving behind the campaign banner being held by two staff members and greeting voters on the side of the street, with a hearse advertising Milburn’s Haunted Mansion and a handful of teenagers in gothic garb trailing a few feet behind.

The state Senator represents southwestern Clackamas County and still needs to increase his name identification districtwide. Some folks were more familiar with his wife, Martha Schrader, a Clackamas County commissioner who was also considered a potential 5th district candidate immediately after Hooley announced her retirement.

The Schraders moved to Oregon after graduate school and live on a historic farm near Canby.

After the parade, kids raced around Aurora’s sidewalks with Erickson for Congress stickers affixed to their helmets — partial evidence that the Republican may have won the day and the battle. But Schrader has a slight edge in the war.

The national environment continues to be poor for Republicans and the personal questions surrounding Erickson makes it difficult for him to get out any other message. And while the district is competitive, some Portland suburbs in Multnomah County, along with the Corvallis area, give Democrats a boost.

It looks like Schrader’s race to lose, but he’s got a few years to make it look as easy as Hooley did.


This story first appeared in Roll Call on August 28, 2008. 2008 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.