Wednesday, May 05, 2010

IL14: Hultgren Even With Foster in Own Poll

By Nathan L. Gonzales

State Sen. Randy Hultgren (R) is in a statistical dead heat with Cong. Bill Foster (D), according to a new poll for the Republican’s campaign. A May 3-4 survey of 300 likely voters in Illinois 14th District by the Tarrance Group showed Hultgren with 45% and Foster 44% in a general election match-up.

Republicans believe other numbers in the poll further demonstrate Foster’s vulnerability. The congressman’s job rating was 40% approve/41% disapprove and personal rating 40% favorable/33% unfavorable. Hultgren’s personal rating was 22% favorable/4% unfavorable.

In addition, 28% of respondents said Foster deserves reelection while 55% said a new person should be given a chance. And Republicans led on the generic ballot 47%-36%.

Overall, Republicans believe this seat never should have gotten away. Foster won the seat in a March 2008 special election after former Speaker Dennis Hastert (R) resigned. Foster defeated Republican Jim Oberweis in both the special and general elections that year. This year, Hultgren defeated attorney Ethan Hastert, son of the former Speaker, in the February 2 GOP primary.

The 14th District is competitive. Barack Obama carried the district with 55% in 2008, but George W. Bush carried it easily in both 2004 (55%) and 2000 (54%). We currently have the race rated as a Pure Toss-Up.

On, Wisconsin: Feingold Return No Sure Thing

By Stuart Rothenberg

When former Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson (R) announced recently that he wouldn’t enter the 2010 Senate race and challenge Sen. Russ Feingold (D), many of us crossed the state off our list of competitive races.

Maybe we were a bit premature.

Two more Republicans — former state Commerce Secretary Dick Leinenkugel and businessman Ron Johnson — are joining the two GOPers already in the contest, businessman Terrence Wall and Dave Westlake, and the newly expanded field is just one reason for reconsidering my knee-jerk judgment.

None of these four hopefuls possesses all of the qualities of the ideal challenger. But this cycle, Republicans may not need ideal challengers to win, even in the Badger State.

Let’s be clear: Russ Feingold isn’t damaged goods the way Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) is, and he isn’t running in a Republican-leaning state, the way Rep. Brad Ellsworth (D-Ind.) is. He’s an aggressive campaigner who has always tried to avoid the Washington insider label.

But Feingold’s numbers suggest a serious GOP challenger could make his life uncomfortable, and the fact that the three-term Senator would go up with his first television ad in April is reason enough to take another look at the race.

Feingold supporters will say that running the early media means that he won’t be caught napping and guarantees that he won’t become vulnerable. But the ad buy at the very least reflects an awareness that the political environment is working against him.

The Wisconsin Democrat’s initial spot, “Forward,” opens with black-and-white photographs of successful Wisconsinites, political and nonpolitical. Speaking over the photographs, other modern-day images and newspaper clips, Feingold notes that he has been “tough on wasteful spending” and stood up to “the big banks” by voting “‘no’ to the bailout.”

Feingold has built an image in the state and in Washington as a maverick, and the ad echoes that message, seeking to put him on the side of the average voter and against Congress.

“He’s the original maverick, but he’s been in the Senate for almost 18 years,” observed one Democrat, noting that Feingold’s longevity and association with the Senate is a problem for him in the current environment.

While a recent Research 2000 poll for the liberal Daily Kos website showed Feingold leading Thompson narrowly and holding comfortable leads over Wall and Westlake, other polling, both public and private, shows that the Senator has slipped noticeably over the past few months and now is under 50 percent against potential GOP challengers.

Given the electorate’s mood, one of the two newest entries into the Republican contest could turn into a serious threat to Feingold.

Leinenkugel’s family business, Leinenkugel Brewing Co., has given him some name identification, and his 18 months serving as the state’s commerce secretary gives him an aura of bipartisanship.

But Leinenkugel, who announced his candidacy last week, served for a year and a half as secretary of commerce in the administration of Democratic Gov. Jim Doyle, and Republican primary voters may bridle at the idea of a Doyle cabinet member running for the Republican Senate nomination.

Those voters may not agree with Leinenkugel’s comment that was still on the Department of Commerce website last week: “We have a very ‘pro-business’ governor ... [who] governs from the center.” Still, if he can win the Republican nomination, he could have broad enough appeal to threaten Feingold.

Businessman Ron Johnson, who hasn’t formally announced his candidacy yet, has the same potential. Johnson, 55, owns PACUR Inc., an Oshkosh-based plastics company. He has never run for office before, but he has decided to enter the GOP Senate primary. Like many businessmen who take the plunge into elective politics, he’ll learn that running for office is harder than it looks.

Allies of Johnson describe him as “smart and personable,” but they acknowledge that as a first-time candidate he will have plenty to learn. He has considerable personal resources and apparently is willing to invest a considerable amount into his campaign.

One veteran campaign watcher told me recently that while Thompson ran best against Feingold in the polls, he was not going to win in November.

“The only way Republicans can beat Feingold is with a nonpolitician, a businessman — not with a longtime politician,” said the observer, a Democrat.

With Wall not catching fire and Westlake not running a serious race, Johnson and Leinenkugel would seem to have the opportunity to build momentum between now and the Sept. 14 primary. But both have plenty to prove.

After that, the eventual Republican nominee will have to hope that Feingold’s ads haven’t solidified his numbers enough to make him invulnerable.

But if voters are dissatisfied with the outlook on jobs, the performance of the Obama administration and the direction of the country, even Russ Feingold may find out that 18 years in Washington, D.C., makes for a pretty big target. Don’t forget about this race entirely.

This column first appeared in Roll Call and on CQPolitics.com on May 4, 2010. 2010 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.

Monday, May 03, 2010

Hawaii 1 Moved to Toss-Up

According to recent polling, Republicans now have a legitimate chance to takeover Hawaii’s 1st District in this month’s special election. What was once only a scenario now looks like a real possibility, and even Democratic observers are worried about the race.

Former Democratic Cong. Ed Case and state Sen. President Colleen Hanabusa (D) are dividing the Democratic vote and allowing Honolulu City Councilman Charles Djou (R) the opportunity to finish first in the winner-take-all special election with significantly less than 50% of the vote.

Because of the unique situation, it is unwise to draw dramatic conclusions for GOP prospects in the fall based on the outcome. But that won’t stop Republicans from bragging about taking over President Obama’s home district and adding the seat to their list of victories in New Jersey, Virginia, and Massachusetts.

We’re moving the race to Toss-Up, but Republicans appear to have the momentum.

Our bottom line in the House remains the same. Substantial Republican gains are inevitable, with net Democratic losses now looking to be at least two dozen. At this point, GOP gains of 25-30 seats seem likely, though considerably larger gains in excess of 40 seats certainly seem possible.

Here are our latest House ratings.
#- Moved benefiting Democrats
* - Moved benefiting Republicans
Special Elections in italics

Pure Toss-Up (1 R, 14 D)
  • AR 1 (Open; Berry, D)
  • FL 24 (Kosmas, D)
  • HI 1 (Open; Abercrombie, D)*
  • IL 10 (Open; Kirk, R)
  • IL 14 (Foster, D)
  • MI 1 (Open; Stupak, D)
  • MI 7 (Schauer, D)
  • NH 1 (Shea-Porter, D)
  • NH 2 (Open; Hodes, D)
  • NY 24 (Arcuri, D)
  • NV 3 (Titus, D)
  • PA 7 (Open; Sestak, D)
  • PA 12 (Open; Murtha, D)
  • TN 8 (Open; Tanner, D)
  • WA 3 (Open; Baird, D)
Toss-Up/Tilt Republican (0 R, 9 D)
  • AL 2 (Bright, D)
  • AR 2 (Open; Snyder, D)
  • FL 8 (Grayson, D)
  • ID 1 (Minnick, D)
  • IN 8 (Open; Ellsworth, D)
  • KS 3 (Open; Moore, D)
  • MS 1 (Childers, D)
  • VA 2 (Nye, D)
  • VA 5 (Perriello, D)
Lean Republican (3 R, 7 D)
  • CA 3 (Lungren, R)
  • CO 4 (Markey, D)
  • FL 25 (Open; M. Diaz-Balart, R)
  • LA 3 (Open; Melancon, D)
  • MD 1 (Kratovil, D)
  • NM 2 (Teague, D)
  • NY 29 (Open; Massa, D)
  • OH 1 (Driehaus, D)
  • OH 15 (Kilroy, D)
  • WA 8 (Reichert, R)
Republican Favored (5 R, 1 D)
  • CA 45 (Bono Mack, R)
  • NE 2 (Terry, R)
  • OH 12 (Tiberi, R)
  • PA 6 (Gerlach, R)
  • PA 15 (Dent, R)
  • TN 6 (Open; Gordon, D)
Toss-Up/Tilt Democratic (0 R, 3 D)
  • ND A-L (Pomeroy, D)
  • SC 5 (Spratt, D)
  • WV 1 (Mollohan, D)
Lean Democratic (1 R, 16 D)
  • AZ 5 (Mitchell, D)
  • AZ 8 (Giffords, D)
  • DE -AL (Open; Castle, R)
  • IN 9 (Hill, D)
  • IA 3 (Boswell, D)
  • MA 10 (Open; Delahunt, D)
  • MO 4 (Skelton, D)
  • NJ 3 (Adler, D)
  • NM 1 (Heinrich, D)
  • NY 1 (Bishop, D)
  • NY 19 (Hall, D)
  • OH 16 (Boccieri, D)
  • OH 18 (Space, D)
  • PA 4 (Altmire, D)
  • PA 11 (Kanjorski, D)
  • VA 9 (Boucher, D)
  • WI 7 (Obey, D)
Democrat Favored (1 R, 18 D)
  • CA 11 (McNerney, D)
  • CO 3 (Salazar, D)
  • CT 5 (Murphy, D)
  • FL 22 (Klein, D)
  • IL 11 (Halvorson, D)
  • IN 2 (Donnelly, D)
  • LA 2 (Cao, R)
  • NY 13 (McMahon, D)
  • NY 20 (Murphy, D)
  • NY 23 (Owens, D)
  • NC 8 (Kissell, D)
  • OH 13 (Sutton, D)
  • PA 3 (Dahlkemper, D)
  • PA 8 (Murphy, D)
  • PA 10 (Carney, D)
  • PA 17 (Holden, D)
  • SD A-L (Herseth Sandlin, D)
  • TX 17 (Edwards, D)
  • WI 8 (Kagen, D)
Total seats in play: 79
Republican seats: 11
Democratic seats: 68

FEC Decision on Fundraising for Redistricting Delayed

By Nathan L. Gonzales

After three hours of discussion on Thursday, a deadlocked Federal Election Commission postponed until next week an important decision about whether Members of Congress can raise soft money for some redistricting activities until next week.

In March, the National Democratic Redistricting Trust requested an advisory opinion about whether Members are allowed to raise money for the trust, which is handling the legal aspect of the Democrats’ redistricting effort.

On Monday, the FEC released two opposing draft advisory opinions — one that would allow and one that would forbid the trust from using federal lawmakers and candidates to raise unlimited funds for the organization.

After Thursday’s proceedings, it appears that commissioners Matthew Petersen, Donald McGahn, and Caroline Hunter agree with the first opinion that would allow the trust to proceed. Commissioner Cynthia Bauerly agrees with the second opinion, and commissioners Ellen Weintraub and Steven Walther are undecided.

A chunk of the discussion centered on whether redistricting activities are “in connection with” a federal election, a key legal distinction.

“Reapportionment is not drawing maps, it’s who gets how many seats,” said McGahn, a Republican. “If raising money for litigation” and its defense is regulated as a election-related activity, “then is the federal government spending money in connection with a federal election when they are running those Census ads?”

The FEC is expected to decide the matter by May 7.

It is possible that neither opinion garners the four votes necessary to issue an advisory opinion. In that instance, the FEC would not issue an opinion and the trust and other similar groups would be left where they started — without clarity on the issue.

“An advisory opinion is a shield, not a sword,” Democratic attorney Marc Elias told Roll Call before the most recent hearing, about the usefulness of the FEC’s decision when future complaints are filed. Elias filed the request on behalf of the trust.

Republicans are anxiously awaiting the decision as well.

Depending on how the FEC crafts its response to the trust, it could allow Making America’s Promise Secure, a 501(c)(4) that is coordinating the legal and data aspects of redistricting for Republicans, to raise money with Members’ help as well.

A favorable or neutral opinion from the FEC wouldn’t change the strategy for the trust or MAPS, but it could ease the fundraising lift.

The FEC’s decision will not affect the Republican State Leadership Committee’s Redistricting Majority Project or the Democrats’ Foundation for the Future, which are deeply involved in the redistricting process but are organized as 527s.

The next round of reapportionment and redistricting will be the first since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, which eliminated soft money and therefore is expected to severely limit Members’ involvement in the process.

Alex Knott contributed to this report.

This story first appeared on RollCall.com on April 30, 2010. 2010 © Roll Call Inc. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission.